Since their earliest beginnings the Bundschuh have been known for their talented writers and great thinkers. The ideas put forward by the Bundschuh lead to the transformation of Rheinland into a republic and to this day continue to inspire rebels, revolutionaries and protesters all over Rheinland and even outside the house's borders.
One major obstacle to all movements that wish to spread ideas that go against the status quo is ruthless persecution and shameless censorship. The neural net is restricted by security agencies in all houses and attempts to bring a different message to the population are not only often blocked, but they are even vulnerable to tracing. A single flaw in encryption could mean the end of the movement in question.
Fortunately there is an alternative way of reaching the people and that's through the use of good old paper. Printed flyers, pamphlets, manifestos, posters and brochures are untraceable and are an effective way of informing the audience of ideas that could improve their lives forever.
The Vereinigte Widerstandsarmee has decided that spreading alternative ideas is a duty of the Bundschuh movement and as such has taken to initiative to form a publishing house aligned to the Bundschuh Partei. A section of Eltmann Outpost has been assigned to house this new publisher as well as a several professional printing presses.
Der Militante Verlag, the militant publishing house, publishes a wide range of works: from philosophical writings to political propaganda. The focus lies on promoting the creations of the Bundschuh's young talent, but movements all over Sirius may place orders for a modest fee as well via the communications channel. Der Militante Verslag can provide relevant items for the particular movement or can print copies of a given work in bulk. The logistics division of the Widerstand is able to discretely deliver the copies wherever they are required.
In this database will be an overview of published works including a full digital copy for most.
When injustice becomes law, resistance becomes duty
You go to your job every day. You work hard every day. You get home late in the evening every day. You may be a miner, a transport pilot, a policewoman, a soldier, a salesman or a dockworker. Whatever your occupation might be, you are a worker and you put in all your effort in your job every single day. You do your best to provide for you and your family. You struggle every month to make ends meet.
You struggle even though you are the one who is doing the hard work. Without you and your colleagues your whole nation would be nothing. It is you who builds, operates, flies, creates, analyses, concludes, keeps the peace, grows the food, builds the roads. It is you who does it all. Yet somehow when you sold so many of that newest atmospheric ship model, all you got was a some praise and the title of employee of the month and at the end of the day you have to walk home. Those who designed it, those who built it and those who sold it, none of them can afford to fly it. The one being flown around in your product is likely a top government official or a corporate manager. Even the chauffeur won't ever have a say in where he flies the ship.
The CEO's, the bankers, the managers, the ministers, the generals, they are the ones reaping the profits and they are the ones who rule over your lives. But they can only rule using the power you, the common man, gave him. It is you who can make a change by giving the power of the people back to the people. The elite will never be able to win against the strength of the people. If they don't give you all a fair wage, then let them see how their own profits fare when nobody does the work. If they won't allow you to vote for the party you want, then let's see how effective their puppet parliament is without anyone enforcing their laws. Let's see how their transports fly without captains, their wars are waged without soldiers, their diamonds are mined without miners. Let's see how well they can keep you down when you decide enough is enough.
It is your duty, for the sake of you, your family and your people, to stand up, because it is your hard work that empowers the oppressors.
You surely have heard it a few times: being in the Rheinland Military is something to be proud of, you are bravely defending the fatherland that we all hold dear. The truth however is quite the opposite. Just think for a moment, who endangers our beloved House the most? It are always the admirals that eagerly send out the fleets, they are the ones always pressing for another war. Wars that keep our economy from recovering, wars that ruin our cities. Soldiers are being sent to their graves only to keep the wars going on for longer. Even if Rheinland would win, despite the fact that our fleets barely ever get time to recover from the previous war, what would victory for Rheinland even achieve? Glory for the admirals, money for the corporations, power for the politicians? Nothing for you, the soldier who fought to achieve the victory.
They speak of things like justice as if their private war would free you from the poverty and hardships you endure. They speak of things like freedom as if killing made you free, as if soldiers are the heroes in this country's history. And after the war you'll still be poor, doesn't it make you wonder what you're fighting for?
If you want to serve this country, then let's save it from itself. The people of Rheinland need armies and navies that fight for them. Not for glory, money or power for those at the top, but for freedom, equality and prosperity for the common people. For the sake of your country, desert! Take your gun or your ship and join an army of peace, an army of unity, an army of resistance.
Publication #003 Title:The decaying cycle Author(s):Doktor Annika J. Haupt Publisher:'Der Militante Verlag', Eltmann Outpost Date:02-07-822 Category:Series of small essays
The decaying Cycle: An essay in four parts
Symptoms: An Introduction
We.
That is what every publication, be it Bundschuh or Unioner, Hessian or Daumann, Bundestag or corporate source starts with - this one here is no exception.
We.
That simple word, with which people make other people believe that they're friends. That they're someone to trust, someone they've known. Decisions get publicized with 'We decided'. Corporate CEOs tell the public 'We achieved'. Generals hold speeches to their soldiers, ending with 'We stand together'.
The interesting question has to be the following, though. Why do those scriptures, speeches, whatever, always claim to be be talking about the work of many people, when in fact they're held, written or whatever by a single person?
The answer to this is as simple as it is problematic. The speakers follow a simple intent - to incorporate the addressed into their group. Using the word we automatically creates a sort of cooperative, comradic feeling. And this is part of the problem.
Why do I start this essay with a truth that is most likely not only obvious to you, as it is not news? Well, to make a point. Much as a politician using the phrase 'I have a dream' repeatedly, I have gotten your attention with this, haven't I? And right now I am insulting your ego, forcing you to overthink why you even read this essay. Let me take a guess. You thought it to be another political flyer by the Bundschuh to smile upon, to ramble about at the local Kneipe, another writing pushing the tides up, trying to convince you of a cause.
This is no such letter.
This is an essay about the cycle of decay our society is in. I will neither force a political attitude on you, nor reject another. I don't claim to be be objective, though. That would be idiotic. I am writing this for the Bundschuh's own Verlag, and that does of course mean that my statements have a certain political stance to it. What I am trying to do here is simple. I want to present you some truths. What you think about them, is entirely up to you.
In the first part here I will generally explain what the cycle is. I will introduce the major players and explain their stances in this great play, that is constantly acted, without a director and without an audience, and yet still takes the same course over and over again.
In the second part I will explain what the cycle is about, and what actually is the course it takes. I will evaluate why there are failsafes that always (at least until now) have been working, and I will try to explain some of them.
The third part will revolve around your role in this. What are you doing? Are you only a puppet? Can you do something that actually changes things? Is this even possible and why?
Rounding up will be the last part. It will predict how Rheinland (and Sirius, to an extent) will look soon enough, as well as possible solutions (except for the eradication of mankind, of course).
So, onto the explaining part then.
As always when talking about sociopolitical structures, one has to start with doing history. Don't worry, I won't lecture you a lesson about the 80-years war or the Diamond crisis, but believe me, a knowledge of these events is useful. If you're not that firm with it, there's always the possibility to read something about it - the "Little history of Rheinland" by my former professor Bernhard Schrägemann provides a pretty nice rundown. A little scarce with the details at times, but it's a rundown after all. Back to the topic though - history teaches lessons, theoretically. One important lesson though, perhaps the most important, is also a saying on Hamburg. History always repeats itself. And by that I mean it repeats not exactly the same structures, Ideas or even players to come into mind, I mean basic constructs, constantly repeating and returning.
Those structures are simple enough, and modern sociological science has always had a new fancy word, but in general, there are two basic structures - the Reign of the people and the Reign of the one or few. Although those terms are not sufficient, I will from now on use the common phrases 'democracy' for the Reign of the people and 'Oligarchy' for the Reign of the one or few. Keep in mind that these terms usually mean something different in different contexts, and are in this particular case only a term for simplification purposes.
As you might have guessed, the most part of the theory is the constant fight of those two for dominance. In this struggle, similar themes always build up in similar situations. That's the reason the popular revolution happened in a time of strife, and that's the reason that in a time of war and strife the crumbling alliance of Rheinland Revolutionaries rose to greater power than before.
You might want to ask what I mean by this. The Revolutionaries don't fight for a reign of the people, you say, they just have different pictures on how this rule should look.
No.
First of all - we're not in a period in which we have a democracy in the sense of the reign of the people. Yes, we (or you, since I am an enemy of the state) get to vote - but that's about it. The votes decide about which parties get the most seats in a constant waltz about who gets to play big man for a while. And no, that big man is not the sole one in control, but it is, by definition, a reign of the few. That's not necessarily a bad thing. Both systems have its merits.
If that is not reign of the people, what is, you ask. And that's a legitimate question. I claim that there can only be one reign of the people, and that is when every community of people decides what to do for itself. Yes, many would call it Anarchy. Most would call it madness, and almost everyone would claim that states proper will be overruling this system in a very short period, and I agree.
So now that the major players are set - let me introduce you to the symptoms.
We already spoke about why certain conditions always trigger the same reactions. It's a manifestation of mans inner struggle between individualism and state building, both of which are not trained but inherent, genetic parts of our survival instinct. Certain situations, because of that, will always cause the same reactions, since the mass is in a constant state of deciding between these two extremes.
Those conditions are pretty easy. Since the beginning of mankind, back in its crib on old Earth, there have been states once more than twenty humans came together. The smaller the community, generally, the larger the democratic influence. But at some point, humanity reached a point of no return, a point from which it neither could progress any further nor step back. It reached an amount of people that caused states to collapse, systems to crumble and rebellions to rise. And from the ashes rose new civilizations, building up on the same ideas that had been proven wrong by so many failed states before them.
Those are the symptoms.
I call them symptoms, but in fact, they are called 'state models' by most sociologists. Feudalism, Leninism, Marxism, Socialism, Authoritism et cetera - all those are symptoms of various stages of development in the cycle I talked about (see in the second part of the essay for the stages themselves).
What's to take of this then, you ask? Well, for now, it is an introduction to the players and symptoms that continue this cycle. Every further part of the Essay will introduce you to a new part of the picture, and I hope that at the end it will be a bit more clear which role you can take to change the system.
To wrap this first part up, I just want to make something clear. I do not want to encourage lethargy with that text. On the contrary, knowing about this cycle and your role in it can and will change your view on the world, and therefore it could change the way this society takes. The only people who can influence society are the ones shaping it.
We.
The people.
Publication #004 Title:The militant path towards a democratic society - I Author(s):Freya Eistochter; Peter Bosch Publisher:'Der Militante Verlag', Eltmann Outpost Date:16-01-823 Category:Manifesto
The militant path towards a democratic society - I: The Total Revolution
This is the first part of a manifesto based on a speech given by Parteivorsitzende Eistochter on the fifth of January 823 on Bruchsal base informing members of the Bundschuhpartei of her visions for the future. It was transcribed by Aktivist Peter Bosch.
There are many who believe that the Popular Revolution was a success. That on that day the people of Rheinland won the struggle against tyranny. They believe that it was after the success that treachery undid what had been achieved. This is a misconception. The Popular Revolution had failed long before the Emperor had been overthrown. Now that the Second Popular Revolution is drawing near, we must examine our past mistakes to ensure we do not repeat them.
The Popular Revolution failed because it was not a true revolution. The Emperor was removed yet the system that he headed remained in place. The Bundschuh were not betrayed, those who outlawed us were never our friends. The Bundschuh were in the end still defeated by the old aristocracy, the corporate elite and the military leaders. These were at the top of society in the Empire and they remained so in the Federal Republic. The early Bundschuh were too eager to declare Rheinland a democracy and in the end only achieved their own participation in a puppet parliament. It is no wonder then that soon the Bundschuh were outlawed and the dream of democracy was crushed.
A lesson should be drawn from this. We cannot compromise in the creation of a new future for Rheinland. To work with the old elite is to destroy progress. We are to do away with not just a figurehead like the Emperor in the past and the Chancellor in the present. We must do away with the entire system of oppression. The heads of the Military need to be replaced; the corporations must be restricted in their lobbying and donations to politicians; the parliament needs to be dissolved and a new one needs to be created; former politicians that have ties to these military and corporate elites need to be put under investigation for corruption; the BDM needs to be replaced with a new intelligence organisation; independent media, free from influence of the state and wealthy businessmen, need to be stimulated; political prisoners need to be released. These are but a few of the measures that need to be taken. Reform is not enough, revolution is nothing less than a necessity if we wish to build a free and democratic Rheinland that is able to face the future as a strong and modern House.
Publication #005 Title:The militant path towards a democratic society - II Author(s):Freya Eistochter; Peter Bosch Publisher:'Der Militante Verlag', Eltmann Outpost Date:17-01-823 Category:Manifesto
The militant path towards a democratic society - II: Systematic Self-Defence
This is the second part of a manifesto based on a speech given by Parteivorsitzende Eistochter on the fifth of January 823 on Bruchsal base informing members of the Bundschuhpartei of her visions for the future. It was transcribed by Aktivist Peter Bosch.
The elite will never willingly give up their position of power and privilege. It is inevitable that the authorities will employ violence to crush any and all resistance against their oppressive system. Peaceful demonstrations and civil disobedience are valuable tactics but they are useless if used on their own. The Kanzler's regime will never shun to use force against unarmed civilians and it is well known that dissidents are silenced regularly by locking them up in prisons, often under inhumane conditions. This leaves us no other possibility than to defend ourselves. The systematic use of violence in various forms against the people of Rheinland must be met with an armed response. If we do not use violence, then the violence of the Kanzler will never be put to an end.
We have asked for change for over a century and have received nothing but rifle fire and police batons. Now it is time to stop asking. It is time to take up arms and take what is rightfully ours. Revolutionary violence must not be glorified. Warfare is never pretty and it is not desirable. It would however be a mistake to remain passive when the state has already long ago declared war on its own people. The Bundschuh must fight the regime, attack it constantly and at the same time mobilise their fellow countrymen to join this fight until the regime collapses.
As it is right now, the Bundschuh of course cannot outmatch the Kanzler's military capabilities in a direct confrontation. This is why we will have to resort to guerrilla warfare to weaken the regime and its military, while simultaneously strengthen our own revolutionary armies and fleets. Rather than attempting to face hostile fleets face-to-face, we will have to rely on other tactics. Hit-and-run attacks on vulnerable Military assets keeps the pressure on them. Similar hit-and-run attacks on convoys that fuel the Rheinland war machine also help. Both of these types of attacks will hinder hostile progress significantly with relatively low risks for us. Stopping their progress is of course not enough, we must weaken them. To achieve that there are several options available to us. Neutralising high ranked officials of the government, the Military, the law enforcers or the influential corporations is an effective way to destabilise the status quo. Another effective way to both weaken and demoralise our enemies is to launch destructive attacks against relevant state-owned facilities both spaceborn and planetside. Examples of such facilities are military depots and federal ministries.
At all times we must of course be careful to minimise civilian casualties. We are fighting for them, not against them. We are not terrorists, nor are we ruthless. Our violence is the expression our righteous anger against the oppressive system that we live in. We do not fight because we want to, we fight because we have to.
Publication #006 Title:The militant path towards a democratic society - III Author(s):Freya Eistochter; Peter Bosch Publisher:'Der Militante Verlag', Eltmann Outpost Date:19-01-823 Category:Manifesto
The militant path towards a democratic society - III: Leading the Way
This is the third and final part of a manifesto based on a speech given by Parteivorsitzende Eistochter on the fifth of January 823 on Bruchsal base informing members of the Bundschuhpartei of her visions for the future. It was transcribed by Aktivist Peter Bosch.
It is the duty of the Bundschuh to lead the revolution. We must not make the same mistake as before and halfway the revolution stop our efforts and implement a non-functioning democracy. If we are to achieve true and lasting progress we will have to go on till the very end. We must carry on the fight until the old system is truly broken. Only when the influence of the old elite is removed, can a democratic government be created. Any earlier and it would end up the same way as the current government is. It is the task of the Bundschuh to lead the revolutionary movement of Rheinland towards the goal of a just and democratic future. This does not contradict our democratic ideals, to the contrary, it is exactly because we are so committed to those ideals that we need to be thorough in the process of giving power back to the people. We cannot hold fair elections if the elements that have corrupted the current system are still around.
It is also not the aim of the Bundschuh to establish a totalitarian regime in the name of establishing a democracy in some visionary future society. The concept of the Total Revolution as explained earlier is pragmatic and concrete. Our aims are not abstract theories like those espoused by some movements and politicians. In addition we have a well functioning internal democracy which will continue to function when the Second Popular Revolution is set in motion. Once the Second Popular Revolution has began it is therefore vital that the Bundschuhpartei adapts to the new situation and becomes a mass organisation. The revolutionary people of Rheinland must gather under our banner. They will then be able to actively participate in our Party's democracy. At the same time we must be wary to keep the reactionaries from infiltrating the Party. While revolutionaries will bolster us and strengthen the movement, reactionaries will seek to subvert us. They will pretend to represent the people, but in truth serve only the old elite and would weaken us. The Bundschuhpartei is political and it must defend its core principles even if we welcome a broad array of people.
The Bundschuh must prepare for what is ahead. The Second Popular Revolution draws near and it is up to us to lead the way. We will spearhead the revolution and from the ashes of the old, a new Rheinland will rise. One where values of freedom, equality and justice are central and where the people of Rheinland have the power.